Kenya’s ex-Chief Justice David Maraga faces backlash after a court ruled his police reforms taskforce was unconstitutional, raising concerns over rule of law.

“Even well-meaning reforms must be grounded in law. Otherwise, they erode the very institutions they intend to strengthen.” — Gladwell Otieno, AfriCOG

In 2017, Kenya captured international headlines when its Supreme Court took the bold and historic step of nullifying a presidential election—a first in Africa. The architect of that moment was Chief Justice David Maraga, a stern, soft-spoken jurist whose fidelity to constitutionalism won praise far beyond Kenya’s borders.

“The greatness of any nation lies in its fidelity to the constitution, adherence to the rule of law, and above all respect to God,” — Chief Justice David Maraga, September 1, 2017.

Eight years later, the once-revered judge finds himself at the centre of a legal storm that threatens to erode his hard-earned legacy.

On April 10, 2025, the High Court of Kenya declared that a police reforms taskforce chaired by Maraga was “unconstitutional, null and void.” The judgment, penned by Justice Lawrence Mugambi, concluded that the taskforce—appointed by President William Ruto in 2022—had unlawfully assumed the responsibilities of a constitutionally independent body: the National Police Service Commission (NPSC).

“The President cannot, under the guise of exercising executive authority, assign specific functions of an independent constitutional commission to any other person or body,” wrote Justice Mugambi.

A Constitution Built to Restrain Executive Power

Kenya’s 2010 Constitution emerged from decades of authoritarian rule, ethnic strife, and violent electoral cycles. Hailed as one of Africa’s most progressive charters, it sought to rein in the presidency by creating strong, independent commissions insulated from political interference.

The NPSC is one such body. Article 249 of the Constitution makes clear that independent commissions “shall be independent and not subject to direction or control by any person or authority.”

Despite this, President Ruto appointed Maraga to lead a sweeping taskforce in December 2022 to address dysfunction in the police and prisons services. The team’s mandate included reviewing remuneration, welfare, and institutional effectiveness—roles clearly assigned to the NPSC under the law.

A Surprising Role for a Symbol of Judicial Integrity

The ruling has left many legal experts and observers puzzled: how did a former Chief Justice—once synonymous with constitutional vigilance—agree to chair a taskforce whose very existence undermined a key principle of that same Constitution?

“This is more than a legal technicality—it’s a fundamental breach of the separation of powers,” said Dr. Linda Musumba, constitutional law scholar at the University of Nairobi. “It’s hard to understand how Justice Maraga accepted a role that contradicts the very document he once fiercely defended.”

The taskforce reportedly consumed millions of shillings in allowances and nationwide consultative tours. With the court’s decision now invalidating its outcomes, the public is left footing the bill for a process that, in legal terms, never existed.

Government Stands Its Ground

The Ruto administration, while accepting the court’s verdict, has stood by its intent. During the taskforce’s inauguration, President Ruto had argued that urgent intervention was needed to reform a demoralized and underperforming police force:

“The welfare and operational effectiveness of our police and prison officers are critical to national security,” President Ruto said on December 21, 2022. “This taskforce is meant to recommend bold reforms that will make these institutions more accountable and responsive to the public.”

After the ruling, Interior Minister Kithure Kindiki issued a measured response:

“While we respect the court’s judgment, the issues raised by the taskforce are still valid. We will find constitutionally compliant mechanisms to address them.”

But that response has done little to quell public concern about governance and constitutional backsliding.

“This was a case of executive overreach, and it’s troubling that someone of Maraga’s calibre went along with it,” said Gladwell Otieno, Executive Director of AfriCOG, a Nairobi-based governance watchdog. “Constitutionalism must never be sacrificed on the altar of expediency.”

A Lesson for Emerging Democracies

The controversy arrives at a moment when many democracies—especially in Africa—are grappling with the durability of their constitutional institutions. Kenya, once a beacon for judicial independence, now faces scrutiny over whether its executive is respecting the delicate balance of power that underpins the 2010 Constitution.

International development partners who once cited Kenya’s judiciary as a success story may now pause to ask: if even its most revered legal minds can be drawn into questionable roles, how secure are the country’s democratic foundations?

Justice Maraga, for his part, has not issued a public statement since the ruling. But for many Kenyans, the silence is deafening. Once seen as the face of principled defiance, he now faces a different kind of judgment—one not from the courts, but from history.

Somalia launches nationwide voter registration for its first one-person-one-vote elections in over 50 years, aiming to strengthen democratic governance.

Somalia has officially commenced its nationwide voter registration campaign today, marking a significant milestone as the country prepares for its first one-person, one-vote elections in over five decades. This initiative is a pivotal step in transitioning from the traditional clan-based electoral system to a more inclusive democratic process.

A New Chapter in Somali Democracy

The National Independent Electoral Commission (NIEC) has announced that local elections are scheduled for June 2025, with plans to extend the electoral model to parliamentary and presidential elections in September 2025. This shift aims to empower Somali citizens by allowing them to directly elect their leaders, a practice last exercised in 1969.

“This is the first step in returning the power of choice to the Somali people,” said NIEC Chairman Abdikarin Ahmed Hassan. “Our preparations are well underway, with voter registration set to begin in districts and surrounding areas.”

The United Nations has expressed strong support for Somalia’s electoral reforms. A recent workshop in Mogadishu brought together members of the NIEC and UN electoral experts to discuss the essential elements of credible electoral management and ensuring inclusive elections.
Challenges Ahead

Despite the progress, Somalia faces significant challenges in implementing the new electoral system. Security concerns persist, particularly in regions controlled by the militant group al-Shabaab, which could hinder voter registration and election processes.

Additionally, political tensions have arisen, with some federal member states expressing reservations about the shift to a one-person, one-vote system. Critics argue that the federal government has unilaterally managed the election process without adequate consultation.

Looking Forward

As Somalia embarks on this historic journey towards democratic reform, the success of the voter registration drive and subsequent elections will depend on the collective efforts of the government, international partners, and the Somali people. The coming months will be crucial in determining the country’s ability to overcome challenges and establish a more inclusive and representative political system.

TPLF warns Ethiopia’s federal government is breaching the Pretoria Accord, risking fragile peace in war-hit Tigray. Humanitarian crisis persists.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the former ruling party in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, has accused the federal government in Addis Ababa of unilaterally undermining the Pretoria Peace Agreement that ended the region’s devastating civil war. The group says recent proclamations and directives are being implemented in Tigray without regional consultation, which it claims breaches the peace pact signed in November 2022.

In a statement issued April 12 following a five-day Central Committee meeting, the TPLF said the federal government is acting without consensus and warned that such behavior threatens the fragile truce that ended two years of armed conflict between TPLF forces and the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF).

“The only link that currently exists between us and the federal government is the Pretoria Agreement,” the TPLF said. “Its implementation requires close cooperation and mutual trust.”

Human Cost and Economic Fallout

The war in Tigray, which began in November 2020, killed an estimated 300,000 to 600,000 people, according to some researchers, and displaced more than 2.5 million. The United Nations reported widespread atrocities including sexual violence, starvation tactics, and destruction of critical infrastructure.

The region’s economy, once one of Ethiopia’s more productive zones, was decimated. Over 70% of health facilities and schools were destroyed, while the agricultural sector—responsible for the livelihoods of the majority—collapsed during the conflict. Humanitarian agencies estimate that at least 5.4 million people in Tigray remain in need of food assistance in 2025, and basic services such as electricity and telecoms have yet to be fully restored in many rural areas.

According to the World Bank, Ethiopia’s broader economic recovery has been uneven. The country’s GDP growth slowed to 5.3% in 2023, down from pre-war levels of 8–10%, in part due to post-conflict instability and high inflation rates above 30%. Foreign investment also dipped sharply during the conflict period.

“While the Pretoria Agreement achieved the immediate goal of stopping the fighting, its long-term success hinges on inclusive governance and power-sharing,” said Meron Elias, a Horn of Africa analyst with the International Crisis Group. “When one side feels excluded from implementation, the entire peace framework is put at risk.”

Political Shifts and Deepening Tensions

The TPLF’s latest statement comes amid political reshuffling in the Tigray Interim Administration. On April 8, Lt. Gen. Tadesse Werede was appointed interim regional president, replacing Getachew Reda. The leadership change followed months of friction between the TPLF and the interim authorities, particularly after the party’s 14th Congress last year.

TPLF Chairman Debretsion Gebremichael (PhD) said the party would support the new administration’s mandates while maintaining institutional independence. He reaffirmed the group’s commitment to addressing the “fundamental public demands” of the people of Tigray, including justice, reconstruction, and regional autonomy.

The Central Committee expressed concern that war-related suffering has “continued in different ways,” and accused internal and external actors of attempting to divide the region. It claimed such efforts “have begun to fail.”

Security Risks and Regional Outlook

The TPLF warned that shifting geopolitical dynamics in the Horn of Africa could fuel renewed instability, citing the ongoing border tensions, competition over resources, and unrest in neighboring Amhara and Afar regions.

“There is now an increasing opportunity to liberate our people under occupation by invaders,” the party said, pledging to help repatriate displaced populations and rebuild public services.

The federal government has yet to respond publicly to the accusations. Analysts warn that unless both parties demonstrate political will and mutual respect, the gains of the Pretoria Agreement could unravel—threatening Ethiopia’s broader stability at a time when the region is under increasing international scrutiny.